PatrickLancaster
Politics • News
Special Report: The Curtain Closes On Yevgeny Prigozhin
August 25, 2023
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An Embraer Legacy business jet registered to Prigozhin on its way from Moscow to Pulikovo airport outside St. Petersburg crashed near the village of Kuzhenkino, in Tver region northwest of Moscow.

The earliest reports jumped the gun claiming Russian air defense shot it down, which spurred theories that this was payback for the Russian airmen killed in Prigozhin’s revolt on June 23. But we’ll get to that theory.

 

 

Let’s start with what we know. For now, there are reports from “sources” that the bodies of Prigozhin and Utkin have in fact been identified, but this is not confirmed by more reputable or official reports yet:

The plane with Prigozhin was blown up. The bodies of Prigozhin and Utkin were identified - the source of Tsargrad in the commission of the Federal Air Transport Agency

This was later changed to:

One law enforcement official who is now at the scene of Prigozhin's plane crash said:

"The identification of Prigozhin and Utkin is nothing but fiction. It is known that they were on board. However, it is too early to talk about identification. Inspection of the scene and identification has not been carried out yet.

Now they have arranged lights, waiting for everyone from Moscow. The inspection has not been carried out yet, several corpses without heads, inside and away from the cabin, mixed parts of corpses. Personal belongings have not been searched. The explosion technicians are still examining everything around".

Let’s examine all the theories and possibilities one by one, and make some projections about potential outcomes of this event.

Firstly, it can’t be ignored that this occurred on 8/23 while the Wagner coup was on 6/23, the day when the Russian airmen were killed. Someone could be making a symbolic gesture to redeem the memories of the killed airmen.

Now as to the AD missile theory. A number of images have been released of the wreck. Some like the following show what appear to be fragmentation perforations from an AD missile:

Some may recall the infamous MH17 shoot down, with the fragmentation holes all over the cockpit:

MH17 archival photo.

However, other photos from the Prigozhin jet crash site seem to show no such evidence at all:

Interestingly, if I’m understanding the photos correctly, the tail empennage completely separated from the rest of the craft while still in the air, which could imply an internal explosion that neatly blew the plane apart at the rear or center.

 

However, a noteworthy fact is that there does appear to be a sort of contrail in the air roughly commensurate with an AD missile explosion. It could also be something else, from an internal explosion of the plane itself—it’s impossible to tell for certain.

🇬🇧 A subscriber noticed an interesting detail after analyzing data from the Flight-Radar service. According to the radar records, even before the crash, the plane managed to lose 100 knots of speed and sharply increase it, despite the fact that the altitude all this time continued to increase.

In simple words, such metamorphoses took place even before the moment of the fall. It is also difficult to explain such a change in characteristics by the fall itself: usually the stall speed is less than 150 knots.

All this, of course, does not allow determining the exact cause of the business jet crash: it will be determined by the commission. However, in any case, the version with an emergency situation on board against the background of the absence of large traces of striking elements on the fuselage will also be considered on an equal basis with the others.

I’m not a civilian airline expert. Perhaps someone in the comments can chime in—is it normal to dip your speed like that, up and down as seen above?

Reportedly, Prigozhin usually flew with 2 planes and switched between them, with only a tiny circle knowing which plane he would be on at any given time:

Valery Chekalov, who died along with Prigozhin, was the only one who knew about the businessman's movements - it was he who led the transport logistics

According to a Readovka source, Valery Chekalov, who died along with Prigozhin, is the only one who knew exactly where the businessman was and at what time. He was responsible for all movements and transport logistics. However, he himself had nothing to do with the security service.

In addition, Chekalov was Prigozhin's deputy for a number of important issues - in particular, he was one of those responsible for the supply of ammunition. As a rule, Chekalov and Prigozhin flew on different aircraft, but this time he was on the same plane as the businessman.

Such tactics of course are standard for high profile VIP individuals. Prigozhin’s penchant for disguises and things of that nature was already uncovered last time.

The one puzzling thing it does bring up however is that if the act was carried out by way of explosive planted on the plane, how would the perpetrators know which plane to “mine” if he infact kept it hidden up until the last moment? There was a report stating that Russian authorities now recovered footage, presumably from the airport, showing exactly which plane he boarded in an effort to confirm his death. So if it was a governmental hit job, they would have known at the last minute which plane he boarded, but this would not have given enough time to plant an explosive on it.

Of course, both planes could conceivably have been mined with an explosive. Or Prigozhin himself could have somehow accepted an explosive device, unbeknownst, in the same way that Vladlen did when he accepted the statue/bust of his likeness.

So now let’s use that to segue into theories of who or how it could have been done. Cui bono and who stands to gain or lose from this?

Firstly, let’s state the obvious: if Putin or the FSB wanted to “off” Prigozhin, they likely would not have done so in such an obvious way, over Russian territory, near Moscow, etc. That style of assassination stinks of the laughable Boris Nemtsov CIA type of hit, on the steps of the Kremlin as fodder for the gullible Western masses who could possibly buy that Putin would assassinate someone literally on Kremlin grounds.

So the Prigozhin hit has indications of being an outside force trying to frame Russia with the presumable intention of starting, or continuing, the internecine war between the Wagner-loyal faction and the Kremlin/MOD. Of course, it’s possible that a rogue S-300/400 commander used the opportunity to get one back “for the boys” killed by Prigozhin’s people on June 23. However, given what we now know about Prigozhin’s devious plane-hopping, such a rogue commander would not know which plane to target, given that 2 of Prigozhin’s planes were in the air at the same time, one of which returned and landed in Moscow after the first one’s downing.

We could perhaps argue that the “rogue commander” was being fed precise info by a military faction in the form of some general who wanted revenge, and they had more accurate information on exactly which plane to shoot down. That is possible. However the debris photos seen above don’t appear to indicate an AD missile in my view. The 2 or 3 explosions heard by eyewitnesses is also an intriguing and peculiar clue, particularly given that if an onboard explosive device was used, it would likely not lead to several explosions of that sort.

Take it with a grain of salt but we have the following rumors:

CHVK-OGPU:

"Relatives of flight attendant of Prigozhin Kristina Raspopova, with reference to the words of the girl, was told about strange manipulations with the plane before the last flight. It was taken away for some short-term and incomprehensible repairs."

And:

 

 

They’re both from the VChK-OGPU propaganda outlet, but it’s something to chew on.

As I said, the June 23 to August 23 symbolism would appear to point to “pay back”, however this can also be taken advantage of and utilized by a 3rd party in order to frame Russia.

But could Ukraine/CIA or some such 3rd party have carried this out? It’s difficult to believe them gaining access to Moscow airport in a way that would allow them to plant a bomb there, though the above claims he was lured with an expensive wine gift, perhaps playing to his vanities in the same way that Vladlen’s statue/bust played to his. But it’s still hard to believe the SBU could have somehow fooled the notoriously cunning and suspicious Prigozhin with an explosive package of some sort—though we can’t discount anything.

Could they have shot the plane down in the sparsely populated region with some type of anti-air capability smuggled from Ukraine? Well, the plane’s altitude appeared to be nearly 30k feet at the time of the catastrophic “event”. There is almost nothing in existence that you could smuggle over a border that can shoot an object down at that height. Manpads top out at 12-15k, give or take. No drone in existence can reach that altitude, other than the gigantic American RQ-4 Global Hawk or something like that. You’d need a Buk or S-300 type system to reach that altitude, and that would be impossible to hide.

In general an air defense missile shot at the craft would be difficult to hide as there would be a contrail at least part of the flight (for the early booster stage) visible by many people, so the likelihood of an AD missile shoot down is low. Some will point to the alleged Buk shoot down of MH17 but a rural village in the most sparse part of Donbass does not quite compare to the region outside Moscow.

Thus my conclusion is the plane likely exploded from within, and if that’s the case, it would point more strongly to the FSB as I would find it difficult to believe that Prigozhin would have fallen for accepting some kind of disguised explosive device from someone like an SBU member on the ground, nor would such a device be easily triggered at 30k feet as it would be nearly impossible to use any of the most common methods like a cellphone trigger, etc.

The mystery remains. The only other conceivable option is an inside job of some sort. Someone on Prigozhin’s own team who knew he had to go, for whatever reason. A close trusted associate who knew all his boss’s ins and outs would be a candidate for being able to effectively plant an explosive of some kind. A piece of luggage from a person like this would not trigger Prigozhin’s suspicion, for instance.

The sound of multiple explosions is still problematic but there could have been some kind of secondary blasts from the engines or something else perhaps.

Lastly, I want to mention the possibility—remote as it is—that Prigozhin and Utkin are not even dead. For the record, as of this writing it has been emphasized that identification of the bodies has not yet occurred, as the explosives specialists were first on site gathering evidence and determining fault. Yes, I know many channels posted confirmations from various people including those “close to Wagner”, etc. But there’s always the possibility that either the trickster staged his own death to escape what he saw as a likely fate, or for whatever reason the Russian gov’t itself was complicit in offgridding him; particularly given the odd indeterminate trickery of the two planes both belonging to him in the sky at the same time, and later reports that he was actually on the flight logs of both planes. In this game, I don’t trust anything I don’t see with my own eyes, and I didn’t see who debarked when the second plane landed back in Moscow. Most likely him and Utkin are dead, but I’m simply putting it out there to cover all bases. Who knows, maybe Putin, in a final moment of forgiveness showed mercy on Prigozhin and allowed him to fake his own death in exchange for disappearing and handing Wagner over to Shoigu/Russia. Stranger things have happened.

Moving on.

Days ago, the notorious propaganda channel of CHVK-OGPU broke the story that famed Russian general Sergei Surovikin had been removed from his post as commander in chief of the Russian Aerospace Forces. They reported that he had been in detention of some kind since the events of the Wagner insurrection. The dismissal, at least, appeared to be confirmed yesterday by more ‘official’ outlets such as state-run Ria Novosti, which reported that Surovikin was replaced by a general named Afzalov.

The truth is, Surovikin’s case has been somewhat suspicious to the extent that no one has seen him in any MOD meetings since June, including a recent one attended by Gerasimov and others. Russian duma deputy Kartapolov was asked by a journalist on camera last month as to Surovikin’s whereabouts, in a video I posted in a previous report. Kartapolov replied he was “resting for now”, which seemed like a bad joke. However, I posted an audio of Surovikin’s own daughter stating he was fine and busy at work, so it was difficult to parse.

Surovikin, if you’ll recall, was said to be close to Wagner, with Prigozhin claiming that the entire Bakhmut operation itself was in essence owed to Surovikin’s strategic thought. He also was said to have somewhat unofficially helped reorient certain unused ammunition stocks from other groups to Wagner. However, recall that General Mikhail Mizintsev, who was a deputy defense minister, was also said to have done the same for Wagner and was close with the PMC. He too was “removed” but allowed to join Wagner, which he did.

There was also rumor yesterday that Surovikin too joined Wagner, while other rumors said he was merely shifted to other duties in the ministry of defense. There is no confirmation as of yet where he actually ended up, and some believe he’s been detained or could face prison.

The point of that is the fact that these two events clearly appear related. You’ll be hard-pressed to convince me that the chief and highest ranked member of the Russian military to be potentially accused of treason or aiding and abetting the Wagner coup was officially removed literally hours before the head of the coup himself is assassinated—and that it’s all just a coincidence. This isn’t necessarily a smoking gun confirming that the Kremlin is responsible for the Prigozhin hit. After all, a malicious 3rd party actor could have used yesterday’s Surovikin incident to strike Prigozhin in order to deliberately make the two events appear connected, for example. But given the fact that the Prigozhin hit would likely have to have been planned and coordinated well in advance, it makes it harder to believe that it wouldn’t be a state actor or Russian security services responsible.

But if the Surovikin and Prigozhin events are related, as they appear, then why now? Why did events culminate now of all times?

There isn’t any direct evidence but some purely speculative hypotheticals could be:

Perhaps another ‘coup’ attempt of some sort was slowly gestating. There were rumors earlier that many Wagner troops were “missing” from Belarus, which may not be as strange as it sounds in that it’s common knowledge a majority of them were given leave of some kind. Many or most of them likely went back to Russia, as I understand it. If they and Surovikin/Prigozhin may have continued planning some new provocations, then this could be the logical result.

Keep in mind, I give the above a very low confidence and almost 0% chance of probability, but just laying it out in the interest of giving all potential theories.

Or perhaps the planners of today’s events deliberately wanted the actions to appear related to send a message to any other potential ‘traitors’ that a cleansing is being carried out, and anyone thinking about crossing the MOD and betraying Russia will have a similar end.

Also, assuming Putin/FSB/MOD was responsible, the reason for waiting til now rather than getting Prigozhin right away is obvious, to me at least. If you neutralize him immediately, you risk doing so while the Wagner association was still assembled and frothing with amped up adrenaline and fervor, and could risk unleashing the beast. But if you wait a few months for things to die down, people to disperse, fires and passions to cool, you can do it without rousing too much blowback. Not to mention there could have been a number of administrative things they still needed Prigozhin to finalize in the organization, move pieces into the right place, etc., before it was convenient to decapitate the PMC.

The other thing is that Wagner was rumored to be returning to some kind of conflict zone in the “end of August”, which is when their leave was to expire, but the soldiers had no idea where they would be committed yet—i.e. Africa, Belarus, Ukraine, etc. There were strong reports that they were in fact not allowed in Ukraine anymore, and this appeared to be confirmed by the fact that Prigozhin even changed the Wagner logo to incorporate the official Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic heraldry, which he wore on his patch in the one new video he had made from Africa days ago.

This seemed to indicate a permanent shift to Wagner as a Belarusian entity from this point on, with likely a dual focus of Belarus and Africa. However, there seemed to be some things brewing on the Africa front. Bellingcat’s Christo Grozev just days ago wrote a long exposé on intrigues thereof. To summarize, his main thesis is that Wagner/Prigozhin and the Russian MOD have been competing recently for the African front:

And the gist of it was that the MOD was trying to replace Wagner in Africa, slowly but surely, with a series of their own PMCs. Despite the source, this is believable for logical reasons: of course Russia could have been slowly decommissioning Wagner all over the globe. Wagner had been allowed to grow out of control, beyond its master’s restraints and this proved nearly costly for Russia.

However, it takes time to replace all the inroads Wagner built so they’ve likely been doing this slowly. This for obvious reasons didn’t sit well with Prigozhin and he likely was making further moves behind the scenes to block the MOD from incurring on what he considered “his territory.”

For instance, one pro-Wagner channel states:

"If Prigozhin died, then Africa died in that plane, in which the Russian Federation formed its economic and political influence. Since it was Prigozhin who communicated and built relationships with all the leaders.

Africa is energy.

Having lost Africa, we are losing a huge part of the monopoly on controlling and setting prices, on energy resources. For example, only a week ago there was a message that a huge amount of oil was found in that same Niger.

If the US and the EU control energy exporting countries, they can dump their prices. Thus, reducing the energy and political influence of Russia, and at the same time destroying its economy.

Prigozhin is not "just a general like in WWII"

Prigozhin is Nord Stream 3 to Africa.

And now it's destroyed."

Firstly, take the above absurdities with a grain of salt. No, Africa isn’t dead to Russia without Prigozhin. But it’s meant to illustrate how Prigozhin and his ilk think. He was an oligarch, a businessman, a one-time ex-con and thief. He considered his get as his and would scorn anyone for trying to take it from him. Though he dissembled under the shroud of ‘patriotism, motherland’ and the like, he operated like a mafia boss, which was witnessed by all on the day he launched an insurrection because the MOD was forcing his fighters to register.

This is merely to give context to the speculation that the events of today could have been precipitated by the ongoing tussle and scramble for Africa. As I said, Wagnerites were supposed to have been returning in late August—to somewhere. Perhaps seeing the deadline coming up, some people in power decided to pull the plug entirely and effect a “hostile takeover” of the Wagner organization. I even half-joked that Surovikin may end up as the new Wagner boss, given that Mizintsev followed a similar path and Wagner may need a new ‘face’ of the organization.

By the way, if you read the above post about Africa and felt a hint of despair or worry, know this: it is absolutely dangerous for any private corporation, particularly one run by an ex-con mafioso oligarch, to completely control a given Great Power’s relationship with an entire continent. Not that I think Wagner actually had that, but what I mean is that at no point should a corporation or private interest, no matter how noble and “patriotic” they claim to be, be given license as chief conduit, interlocutor, or go-between of a major power like Russia in geopolitically dealing with a continent or countries for that matter. It doesn’t matter what your sentiments or dispositions towards Prigozhin are, you have to acknowledge the danger of such a situation, where one man and his private company are gatekeeper and monopoly in one on Russia’s access to a strategically essential continent.

This is unacceptable for any democratic society for the same reason that the CIA and its minions, the federal reserve, or any such institutions are execrable and anti-democratic parasites. Because they represent unelected figures who have no accountability to any electorate or constituency, which is antithetical to how modern democracies should be run.

That’s to say that if you find yourself siding with Wagner in this speculative Africa wrangle, you should consider how dangerous it is for a corporation to have that much control and power—irrespective of how you may feel about the Russian MOD and its adequacy, competency, etc. No private organization should boast the keys to a continent and the ability to withhold them.

If that was really the case, and contributed to the culmination we had today, then one can begin to understand the Russian MOD’s potential need to get rid of the Wagner ‘board of directors’ once and for all. The only point of contention is that, if they did do that—would they have done it on the outskirts of Moscow? Furthermore, would they have done it during a historic BRICS summit, potentially tarnishing Putin and his reputation?

On one hand, that would seem illogical. On the other, we must remember that Putin and Russia have no qualms—when absolutely necessary—about launching major operations with potentially “bad optics” during significant summits. For instance, the Georgian 2008 war on 8/8/8 was launched as Putin was sitting with Hu Jintao in Beijing watching the opening ceremony of the 2008 Summer Olympics. I still remember talking heads being galled at how “obscene” the timing was. In fact, oddly enough, the olympics returned to Beijing for the winter variety in February 2022 and ended four days before Putin began the SMO on February 24, 2022.

That’s to say that Putin is not necessarily above doing what must be done during ‘sensitive’ events or time periods. If it defends Russia’s interests, he doesn’t care that it ruins the optics or casts a bad light on some pageant.

There were rumors that the Wagner ‘council of commanders’ would convene, and other rumors that the MOD was again issuing contracts to remaining Wagner fighters.

One potential aspect is that Prigozhin could have foreseen events and left a ‘dead man’s switch’ to strike back in the event of his death. One such rumor from the propagandist channel goes as follows:

"A source familiar with Prigozhin about the death of the latter:

"Prigozhin was sure that Putin would forgive him everything and was not afraid of anything. He said that he knew a lot .... We will see if something from his archives appears now ... As for the people with whom Prigozhin died. They always flew as a three - Prigozhin, Utkin, Chekalov. Chekalov was responsible for the entire rear, Utkin for the combat unit of the PMC Wagner.""

The other natural worry of course is that this would create even greater divisions against the Russian MOD, and that remaining Wagner fighters might revolt, particularly if this event had anything to do with some kind of already-brewing second stage insurrection behind the scenes.

Some videos of quite questionable provenance have already been disseminated, most likely by Ukrainian CIPSO (Pysop Center). For instance, this one claims to show masked Wagner fighters warning of “things to come”, but it’s almost certainly an SBU fake:

One Russian correspondent had this to say:
 

He brings up an interesting point. Many pro-Ukrainians, 2D Bloggers, concern trolls, and Schizopatriots will now use this event to push the theory that Prigozhin was suddenly beloved and his death greatly mourned by all Russian servicemen who will now take up arms in his honor against the MOD.

Recall that after the events of June, sentiment turned heavily against Prigozhin in Russian society. The only “negative sentiment” was that of people who were angry that Prigozhin wasn’t punished. I posted the polls in an earlier report illustrating this. Now we’re supposed to believe those same people will be unhappy with today’s result?

The propagandists will also now attempt some hand-waving magic to make us believe that “patriots” like Prigozhin and Strelkov are being punished by evil Putin. Yet Prigozhin himself was not only an arch enemy of Strelkov, but considered him a vile traitor. Further, it was Wagner that was responsible for Strelkov’s arrest, as a Wagner doctor confessed to being the one who wrote a police complaint the day before.

The truth is, Strelkov and Prigozhin/Wagner hated one another, and each accused the other of being the chief traitor to the country. But the propagandists will now attempt to spin us a yarn about how both of those men are the “true patriots” while Putin is the traitor. Which one is it? If one of them is the patriot then his word must be gold, which means his accusation of the other one of treason should be honored, no?

In reality, both are men who tried to carve out their little disposable kingdoms under the guise of some wan patriotic gestures and faux-idealisms. I think this summarizes Prigozhin best:

Of course, the part about enjoying considerable support after the coup is a bit questionable. Yes, the support was still “considerable”, relatively speaking, but it was down massively from earlier. Here’s a quick reminder:

Prigozhin, by my accounting, was a charismatic and likable figure. Because, while being an inordinately rich billionaire, he successfully depicted himself as a ‘common man’, the redeemed folk hero type as above, a sort of freedom fighter against the myriad corruptions and ills of the modern world. He was a witty showman and had a good feel for what the sodden masses hungered for, which made him appealing. But like certain hucksters—for instance, more recently Andrew Tate—he had a knack for concealing his personal interests behind clever “populist” facades. As long as you give people 70% of what they want to hear, the 30% graft can be easily masked away with a street magician’s sleight-of-hand.

Maybe, ultimately, he wasn’t even a bad man—I’m not necessarily saying he was, or that his disputes with the Russian MOD were out of malice. Perhaps it’s even understandable that a man who built his own empire should be expected to fiercely defend it in the way he did.

But regardless if that’s true or not, what he represented was nevertheless dangerous; it set a dangerous precedent. For a single individual and his private corporation/organization/interests to wield that much power and attempted sway over the policies of the state, no matter how charismatic or well-meaning, is dangerous. If the people don’t like what Putin is doing—or the generals he appointed, for that matter—they can vote him out; that’s how democracies are supposed to work. Prigozhin represented a virulent threat to the Russian state no matter his apparent intentions. The fact is, the people didn’t support what he did, or attempted to do on June 23rd. That’s objectively proven via polling. If polled, I suspect the people wouldn’t approve of him trying to muscle out the official state/public representation in Africa either—if that was even the case. Sure you might argue that the MOD is simply attempting to replace him with another private PMC anyway, so what’s the difference? But at least it’s a PMC under state control, which makes it an extension of it.

What I see is the slow, gradual, and inevitable reformation and clean up job that the MOD is doing on the entire systemic framework and infrastructure of the Russian armed forces and its various attendant apparatuses. It’s a colossal scale re-organization, a purification, ablution. This has been an ongoing process since the start of the SMO. We’ve talked at length about how Russia was not structurally sound enough to handle the magnitude of events today. This includes the oft-quoted fact about the first partial mobilization since WW2, the largest force usages, etc.

There have been endless reshufflings, retoolings, and adjustments done on the fly to right the ship and get the Russian state machine trim and into well-oiled combat shape. It’s a historic, epochal transformation process that’s etching away decades of rust and bureaucratic rot, convolution, and inelasticity in many levels and stations, top to bottom. And yes, it’s not pretty. At many times this process appears ugly, dysfunctional, and neurotic—but I believe it will lead to a better and stronger state with a more unified vision and purpose.

Wagner was a holdover of that. They did their needed job, played their given role as an important implement of state at a time when the Russian military apparatus was perhaps wayward and rudderless. But now there is a dawning of something new. New, stronger structures must come into being to prepare for the unprecedented things to come. For a civilizational state like Russia, all attendant organs and implements are chess pieces with a role to play—they must never forget that, or get too big for their britches. Everything and everyone must serve the state, which itself serves the Russian people. From the time of the Syrian conflict onward, Wagner enjoyed a rare form of laissez-faire free-rein at a time when Russian leadership lacked a certain coherence, which led to Prigozhin assuming things would always stay as they were. Now they must be absorbed and reined in as the state builds a new, historic level of centralized focus and alignment of vision and action.

That’s why we can’t get sentimental about one piece or another being ‘discarded’ if it has outlived its usefulness. As Putin once said to a reporter, “I’m not your friend, I’m the president of Russia.” He was referring to a certain perspective that a state cannot resort to sentimentality, a state can only serve its interests, which are the interests of its people. Was Wagner serving those interests with the intrigues described earlier? Does it serve Russia’s interests to muscle out the official state representatives in an entire continent, carving it out as your personal warlord fiefdom? A private company technically only serves the interests of its own members and financial shareholders, no matter what it claims or what kind of buzzwords and patriotic slogans it adopts.

Prigozhin may have had his heart in the right place. I’m not denying he didn’t love his country or that he didn’t want the best for it. But his allegiances were naturally split between his country and his own personal creation, the pet project he viewed as his magnum opus and undying legacy; and unfortunately that led to a deadly conflict of interests.

That being said, even given those conflicts of interest, we still can’t be certain that Russia would have resorted to offing him in such an ostentatious way, on the outskirts of Moscow no less. It could still very well have been a malicious third party actor with the intent to frame Russia and foment division and a new rebellion. After all, the timing is peculiar given Russia’s own actions vis a vis the Surovikin dismissal, but conversely, the timing is likewise “interesting” given Ukraine’s own—and by extension that of NATO and attendant intel services—desperate promises of escalations, and an urgent need for something new to destabilize Russia in order to save its own disastrous “counter-offensive”. Budanov himself promised some more “surprises” for the end of August, if I recall—and Ukraine has been increasingly leaning into terror as its last shtick.

It’s difficult to say for certain which one is more likely; though we need not be reminded that Prigozhin had truly sealed his fate with his unprecedented actions in June, and no sane person could argue against his comeuppance likely being in the cards for some point in the future. Even the most hapless of analysts liberally opined that “his time was short for this world.” The Dudayevs, Baisorovs, Basayevs, Umarovs, et al, all learned the cost of crossing—or rather, double-crossing—Russia. We, after all, can’t forget these words:

We’ll see if new evidence emerges, or whether this fades into history as one of the endless unsolved circumstances about which intrigues swirl forever.
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02:38:38

TRUMPS PICK OF GENERAL KELLOGG IS A STROKE OF GENIUS

To quote from the movie Star Trek VI, Trump is following the "old Vulcan proverb: ONLY NIXON COULD GO TO CHINA".

Picking General Kellogg as the Special Envoy for Russo-Ukraine War is truly a stroke of genius. Yes, Kellogg is a "hawk" who has been in favor of unlimited support for Ukraine and yes, it is Kellogg's plan that includes threatening Russia with increasing support for Ukraine unless it makes concessions. But this misses the entire point of Kellogg's appointment. Just like only Nixon could go to China, only Kellogg can go to Ukraine and Moscow and make peace. Only a military man with Kellogg's reputation can avoid the label of "Putin puppet" or "Kremlin stooge" while forcing Ukraine to make the concessions necessary to end the war. Trump's choice of Gen. Kellogg is masterstroke.

Also, I am sure that as part of any deal Kellogg can help Zelensky find a new job, since he can't stay in office after a deal is made. I hear ...

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Back to Locals

Finally back to locals, my account was blocked and Stripe hacked.
All back to normal, please old supporters, you have to recreate account for stripe support.

Thanks to all of you

Ukraine shells cafe in Russia’s Donetsk

Three people were killed in the attack on the capital of the Donetsk People’s Republic, local authorities have said.

The Paradise cafe in the Kirovsky District suffered a “direct hit,” Denis Pushilin wrote on Telegram. A female employee and two customers lost their lives in the shelling, the regional leader added.

Eight others, including a child, suffered moderate injuries, Pushilin wrote.

According to the regional chief, Ukrainian forces used a US-supplied HIMARS multiple rocket system to carry out the attack. One of the projectiles struck the cafe, damaging to its outer wall and blowing out the windows throughout the building, while another landed nearby, he said.

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Scott Ritter: We are witnessing the bittersweet birth of a new Russia
Building Novorossiya back up after Ukrainian neglect and war is a monumental but unavoidable task

Tucker Carlson’s confused exasperation over Russian President Vladmir Putin’s extemporaneous history lesson at the start of their landmark February interview (which has been watched more than a billion times), underscored one realty. For a Western audience, the question of the historical bona fides of Russia’s claim of sovereign interest in territories located on the left (eastern) bank of the Dnieper River, currently claimed by Ukraine, is confusing to the point of incomprehension.

Vladimir Putin, however, did not manufacture his history lesson from thin air. Anyone who has followed the speeches and writings of the Russian president over the years would have found his comments to Carlson quite familiar, echoing both in tone and content previous statements made concerning both the viability of the Ukrainian state from an historic perspective, and the historical ties between what Putin has called Novorossiya (New Russia) and the Russian nation.

For example, on March 18, 2014, during his announcement regarding the annexation of Crimea, the president observed that “after the [Russian] Revolution [of 1917], for a number of reasons the Bolsheviks – let God judge them – added historical sections of the south of Russia to the Republic of Ukraine. This was done with no consideration for the ethnic composition of the population, and these regions today form the south-east of Ukraine.”

Later during a televised question-and-answer session, Putin declared that “what was called Novorossiya back in tsarist days – Kharkov, Lugansk, Donetsk, Kherson, Nikolayev and Odessa – were not part of Ukraine then. These territories were given to Ukraine in the 1920s by the Soviet Government. Why? Who knows? They were won by Potemkin and Catherine the Great in a series of well-known wars. The center of that territory was Novorossiysk, so the region is called Novorossiya. Russia lost these territories for various reasons, but the people remained.”

Novorossiya isn’t just a construct of Vladimir Putin’s imagination, but rather a notion drawn from historic fact that resonated with the people who populated the territories it encompassed. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, there was an abortive effort by pro-Russia citizens of the new Ukrainian state to restore Novorossiya as an independent region. 

While this effort failed, the concept of a greater Novorossiya confederation was revived in May 2014 by the newly proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics. But this effort, too, was short-lived, being put on ice in 2015. This, however, did not mean the death of the idea of Novorossiya. On February 21, 2022, Putin delivered a lengthy address to the Russian nation on the eve of his decision to send Russian troops into Ukraine as part of what he termed a Special Military Operation. Those who watched Tucker Carlson’s February 9, 2024, interview with Putin would have been struck by the similarity between the two presentations.

While he did not make a direct reference to Novorossiya, the president did outline fundamental historic and cultural linkages which serve as the foundation for any discussion about the viability and legitimacy of Novorossiya in the context of Russian-Ukrainian relations.

“I would like to emphasize,” Putin said, “once again that Ukraine is not just a neighboring country for us. It is an integral part of our own history, culture, and spiritual space. It is our friends, our relatives, not only colleagues, friends, and former work colleagues, but also our relatives and close family members. Since the oldest times,” Putin continued, “the inhabitants of the south-western historical territories of ancient Russia have called themselves Russians and Orthodox Christians. It was the same in the 17th century, when a part of these territories [i.e., Novorossiya] was reunited with the Russian state, and even after that.”

The Russian president set forth his contention that the modern state of Ukraine was an invention of Vladimir Lenin, the founding father of the Soviet Union. “Soviet Ukraine is the result of the Bolsheviks’ policy,” Putin stated, “and can be rightfully called ‘Vladimir Lenin’s Ukraine’. He was its creator and architect. This is fully and comprehensively corroborated by archival documents.”

Putin went on to issue a threat which, when seen in the context of the present, proved ominously prescient. “And today the ’grateful progeny’ has overturned monuments to Lenin in Ukraine. They call it decommunization. You want decommunization? Very well, this suits us just fine. But why stop halfway? We are ready to show what real decommunizations would mean for Ukraine.”

In September 2022 Putin followed through on this, ordering referendums in four territories (Kherson and Zaporozhye, and the newly independent Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics) to determine whether the populations residing there wished to join the Russian Federation. All four did so. Putin has since then referred to these new Russian territories as Novorossiya, perhaps nowhere more poignantly that in June 2023, when he praised the Russian soldiers “who fought and gave their lives to Novorossiya and for the unity of the Russian world.”

The story of those who fought and gave their lives to Novorossiya is one that I have wanted to tell for some time now. I have borne witness here in the United States to the extremely one-sided coverage of the military aspects of Russia’s military operation. Like many of my fellow analysts, I had to undertake the extremely difficult task of trying to parse out fact from an overwhelmingly fictional narrative. Nor was I helped in any way in this regard by the Russian side, which was parsimonious in the release of information that reflected its side of reality.

In preparing for my December 2023 visit to Russia, I had hoped to be able to visit the four new Russian territories to see for myself what the truth was when it came to the fighting between Russia and Ukraine. I also wanted to interview the Russian military and civilian leadership to get a broader perspective of the conflict. I had reached out to the Russian Foreign and Defense ministries through the Russian Embassy in the US, bending the ear of both the Ambassador, Anatoly Antonov, and the Defense Attache, Major-General Evgeny Bobkin, about my plans.

While both men supported my project and wrote recommendations back to their respective ministries in this regard, the Russian Defense Ministry, which had the final say over what happened in the four new territories, vetoed the idea. This veto was not because they didn’t like the idea of me writing an in-depth analysis of the conflict from the Russian perspective, but rather that the project as I outlined it, which would have required sustained access to frontline units and personnel, was deemed too dangerous. In short, the Russian Defense Ministry did not relish the idea of me being killed on its watch.

Under normal circumstances, I would have backed off. I had no desire to create any difficulty with the Russian government, and I was always cognizant of the reality that I was a guest in the country.

The last thing I wanted to be was a “war tourist,” where I put myself and others at risk for purely personal reasons. But I also felt strongly that if I were going to continue to provide so-called “expert analysis” about the military operation and the geopolitical realities of Novorossiya and Crimea, then I needed to see these places firsthand. I strongly believed that I had a professional obligation to see the new territories. Fortunately for me, Aleksandr Zyryanov, a Crimea native and director general of the Novosibirsk Region Development Corporation, agreed.

It wasn’t going to be easy.

We first tried to enter the new territories via Donetsk, driving west out of Rostov-on-Don. However, when we arrived at the checkpoint, we were told that the Ministry of Defense had not cleared us for entry. Not willing to take no for an answer, Aleksandr drove south, towards Krasnodar, and then – after making some phone calls – across the Crimean Bridge into Crimea. Once it became clear that we were planning on entering the new territories from Crimea, the Ministry of Defense yielded, granting permission for me to visit the four new Russian territories under one non-negotiable condition – I was not to go anywhere near the frontlines.

We left Feodosia early on the morning of January 15, 2024. At Dzhankoy, in northern Crimea, we took highway 18 north toward the Tup-Dzhankoy Peninsula and the Chongar Strait, which separates the Sivash lagoon system that forms the border between Crimea and the mainland into eastern and western portions. It was here that Red Army forces, on the night of November 12, 1920, broke through the defenses of the White Army of General Wrangel, leading to the capture of the Crimean Peninsula by Soviet forces. And it was also here that the Russian Army, on February 24, 2022, crossed into the Kherson Region from Crimea.

The Chongar Bridge is one of three highway crossings that connect Crimea with Kherson. It has been struck twice by Ukrainian forces seeking to disrupt Russian supply lines, once, in June 2023, when it was hit by British-made Storm Shadow missiles, and once again that August when it was hit by French-made SCALP missiles (a variant of the Storm Shadow.) In both instances, the bridge was temporarily shut down for repairs, evidence of which was clearly visible as we made our way across, and on to the Chongar checkpoint, where we were cleared by Russian soldiers for entry into the Kherson Region.

At the checkpoint we picked up a vehicle carrying a bodyguard detachment from the reconnaissance company of the Sparta Battalion, a veteran military formation whose roots date back to the very beginning of the Donbass revolt against the Ukrainian nationalists who seized power in Kiev during the February 2014 Maidan coup. They would be our escort through the Kherson and Zaporozhye Regions – even though we were going to give the frontlines a wide berth, Ukrainian “deep reconnaissance groups”, or DRGs, were known to target traffic along the M18 highway. Aleksandr was driving an armored Chevrolet Suburban, and the Sparta detachment had their own armored SUV. If we were to come under attack, our response would be to try and drive through the ambush. If that failed, then the Sparta boys would have to go to work.

Our first destination was the city of Genichesk, a port city along the Sea of Azov. Genichesk is the capital of the Genichesk District of the Kherson Region and, since November 9, 2022, when Russian forces withdrew from the city of Kherson, it has served as the temporary capital of the region. Aleksandr had been on his phone since morning, and his efforts had paid off – I was scheduled to meet with Vladimir Saldo, the local Governor.

RT

Genichesk is – literally – off the beaten path. When we reached the town of Novoalekseyevka, we got off the M18 highway and headed east along a two-lane road that took us toward the Sea of Azov. There were armed checkpoints all along the route, but the Sparta bodyguards were able to get us waved through without any issues. But the effect of these checkpoints was chilling – there was no doubt that one was in a region at war.

To call Genichesk a ghost town would be misleading – it is populated, and the evidence of civilian life is everywhere you look. The problem was, there didn’t seem to be enough people present. The city, like the region, is in a general state of decay, a holdover from the neglect it had suffered at the hands of a Ukrainian government that largely ignored territories that had, since 2004, voted in favor of the Party of Regions, the party of former President Viktor Yanukovich, who was ousted in the February 2014 Maidan coup. Nearly two years of war had likewise contributed to the atmosphere of societal neglect, an impression which was magnified by the weather – overcast, cold, with a light sleet blowing in off the water.

As we made our way into the building where the government of the Kherson Region had established its temporary offices, I couldn’t help but notice a statue of Lenin in the courtyard. Ukrainian nationalists had taken it down in July 2015, but the citizens of Genichesk had reinstalled it in April 2022, once the Russians had taken control of the city. Given Putin’s feeling about the role Lenin played in creating Ukraine, I found both the presence of this monument, and the role of the Russian citizens of Genichesk in restoring it, curiously ironic.

Vladimir Saldo is a man imbued with enthusiasm for his work. A civil engineer by profession, with a PhD in economics, Saldo had served in senior management positions in the “Khersonbud” Project and Construction Company before moving on into politics, serving on the Kherson City Council, the Kherson Regional Administration, and two terms as the mayor of the city of Kherson. Saldo, as a member of the Party of Regions, moved to the opposition and was effectively subjected to political ostracism in 2014, when the Ukrainian nationalists who had seized power all but forced it out of politics.

Aleksandr and I had the pleasure of meeting with Saldo in his office in the government building in downtown Genichesk. We talked about a wide range of issues, including his own path from a Ukrainian construction specialist to his current position as the governor of Kherson Oblast.

We talked about the war.

But Saldo’s passion was the economy, and how he could help revive the civilian economy of Kherson in a manner that best served the interests of its diminished population. On the eve of the military operation, back in early 2022, the population of the Kherson Region stood at just over a million, of which some 280,000 were residing in the city of Kherson. By November 2022, following the withdrawal of Russian forces from the right bank of the Dnieper River – including the city of Kherson – the population of the region had fallen below 400,000 and, with dismal economic prospects, the numbers kept falling. Many of those who left were Ukrainians who did not want to live under Russian rule. But others were Russians and Ukrainians who felt that they had no future in the war-torn region, and as such sought their fortunes elsewhere in Russia.

“My job is to give the people of Kherson hope for a better future,” Saldo told me. “And the time for this to happen is now, not when the war ends.”

Restoration of Kherson’s once vibrant agricultural sector is a top priority, and Saldo has personally taken the lead in signing agreements for the provision of Kherson produce to Moscow supermarkets. Saldo has also turned the region into a special economic zone, where potential investors and entrepreneurs can receive preferential loans and financial support, as well as organizational and legal assistance for businesses willing to open shop there.

The man responsible for making this vision a reality is Mikhail Panchenko, the Director of the Kherson Region Industry Development Fund. I met Mikhail in a restaurant located across the street from the governmental building which Saldo called home. Mikhail had come to Kherson in the summer of 2022, leaving a prominent position in Moscow in the process. “The Russian government was interested in rebuilding Kherson,” Mikhail told me, “and established the Industry Development Fund as a way of attracting businesses to the region.” Mikhail, who was born in 1968, was too old to enlist in the military. “When the opportunity came to direct the Industry Development Fund, I jumped at it as a way to do my patriotic duty.”

The first year of the fund’s operation saw Mikhail hand out 300 million rubles (almost $3.3 million at the current rate) in loans and grants (some of which was used to open the very restaurant where we were meeting.) The second year saw the allotment grow to some 700 million rubles. One of the biggest projects was the opening of a concrete production line capable of producing 60 cubic meters of concrete per hour. Mikhail took Alexander and me on a tour of the plant, which had grown to three production lines generating some 180 cubic meters of concrete an hour. Mikhail had just approved funding for an additional four production lines, for a total concrete production rate of 420 cubic meters per hour.

“That’s a lot of concrete,” I remarked to Mikhail.

“We are making good use of it,” he replied. “We are rebuilding schools, hospitals, and government buildings that had been neglected over the years. Revitalizing the basic infrastructure a society needs if it is to nurture a growing population.”

The problem Mikhail faces, however, is that most of the population growth being experienced in Kherson today comes from the military. The war can’t last forever, Mikhail noted. “Someday the army will leave, and we will need civilians. Right now, the people who left are not returning, and we’re having a hard time attracting newcomers. But we will keep building in anticipation of a time when the population of the Kherson region will grow from an impetus other than war. And for that,” he said, a twinkle in his eye, “we need concrete!”

I thought long and hard about the words of Vladimir Saldo and Panchenko as Aleksandr drove back onto the M18 highway, heading northeast, toward Donetsk. The reconstruction efforts being undertaken are impressive. But the number that kept coming to mind was the precipitous decline in the population – more than 60% of the pre-war population has left the Kherson region since the Russian military operation began.

According to statistics provided by the Russian Central Election Commission, some 571,000 voters took part in the referendum on joining Russia that was held in late September 2022. A little over 497,000, or some 87%, voted in favor, while slightly more than 68,800, or 12%, voted against. The turnout was almost 77%.

hese numbers, if accurate, implied that there was a population of over 740,000 eligible voters at the time of the election. While the loss of the city of Kherson in November 2022 could account for a significant source of the population drop that took place between September 2022 and the time of my visit in January 2024, it could not account for all of it.

The Russian population of Kherson in 2022 stood at approximately 20%, or around 200,000. One can safely say that the number of Russians who fled west to Kiev following the start of the military operation amounts to a negligible figure. If one assumes that the Russian population of the Kherson Region remained relatively stable, then most of the population decline came from the Ukrainian population.

While Saldo did not admit to such, the Governor of the neighboring Zaporozhya Region, Yevgeny Balitsky, has acknowledged that many Ukrainian families deemed by the authorities to be anti-Russian were deported following the initiation of the military operation (Russians accounted for a little more than 25% of the pre-conflict Zaporozhye population.) Many others fled to Russia to escape the deprivations of war.

Evidence of the war was everywhere to be seen. While the conflict in Kherson has stabilized along a line defined by the Dnieper River, Zaporozhye is very much a frontline region. Indeed, the main direction of attack of the summer 2023 Ukrainian counteroffensive was from the Zaporozhye region village of Rabotino, toward the town of Tokmak, and on towards the temporary regional capital of Melitopol (the city of Zaporozhye has remained under Ukrainian control throughout the conflict to date.)

I had petitioned to visit the frontlines near Rabotino but had been denied by the Russian Ministry of Defense. So, too, was my request to visit units deployed in the vicinity of Tokmak – too close to the front. The closest I would get would be the city of Melitopol, the ultimate objective of the Ukrainian counterattack. We drove past fields filled with the concrete “dragon’s teeth” and antitank ditches that marked the final layer of defenses that constituted the “Surovikin Line,” named after the Russian General, Sergey Surovikin, who had commanded the forces when the defenses were put in place.

The Ukrainians had hoped to reach the city of Melitopol in a matter of days once their attack began; they never breached the first line of defense situated to the southeast of Rabotino.

Melitopol, however, is not immune to the horrors of war, with Ukrainian artillery and rockets targeting it often to disrupt Russian military logistics. I kept this in mind as we drove through the streets of the city, past military checkpoints, and roving patrols. I was struck by the fact that the civilians I saw were going about their business, seemingly oblivious to the everyday reality of war that existed around them.

As was the case in Kherson, the entirety of the Zaporozhye Region seemed strangely depopulated, as if one were driving through the French capital of Paris in August, when half the city is away on vacation. I had hoped to be able to talk with Balitsky about the reduced population and other questions I had about life in the region during wartime, but this time Aleksandr’s phone could not produce the desired result – Balitsky was away from the region and unavailable.

If he had been available, I would have asked him the same question I had put to Saldo earlier in the day: given that Putin was apparently willing to return the Kherson and Zaporozhye regions to Ukraine as part of the peace deal negotiated in March 2022, how does the population of his region feel about being part of Russia today? Are they convinced that Russia is, in fact, there to stay?  Do they feel like they are a genuine part of the Novorossiya that Putin speaks about?

Saldo had talked in depth about the transition from being occupied by Russian forces, which lasted until April-May 2022 (about the time that Ukraine backed out of the ceasefire agreement), to being administered by Moscow. “There never was a doubt in my mind, or anyone else’s, that Kherson was historically a part of Russia,” Saldo said, “or that, once Russian troops arrived, that we would forever be Russian again.”

But the declining population, and the admission of forced deportations on the part of Balitsky, suggests that there was a significant part of the population that had, in fact, taken umbrage at such a future.

I would have liked to hear what Balitsky had to say about this question.

Reality, however, doesn’t deal with hypotheticals, and the present reality is that both Kherson and Zaporozhye are today part of the Russian Federation, and that both regions are populated by people who had made the decision to remain there as citizens of Russia. We will never know what the fate of these two territories would have been had the Ukrainian government honored the ceasefire agreement negotiated in March 2022. What we do know is that today both Kherson and Zaporozhye are part of the “New Territories” – Novorossiya.

Russia will for some time find its acquisition of the “new territories” challenged by nations who question the legitimacy of Russia’s military occupation and subsequent absorption of the Kherson and Zaporozhye regions into the Russian Federation. The reticence of foreigners to recognize these regions as being part of Russia, however, is the least of Russia’s problems. As was the case with Crimea, the Russian government will proceed irrespective of any international opposition.

The real challenge facing Russia is to convince Russians that the new territories are as integral to the Russian motherland as Crimea, a region reabsorbed by Russia in 2014 which has seen its economic fortunes and its population grow over the past decade. The diminished demographics of Kherson and Zaporozhye represent a litmus test of sorts for the Russian government, and for the governments of both Kherson and Zaporozhye. If the populations of these regions cannot regenerate, then these regions will wither on the vine. If, however, these new Russian lands can be transformed into places where Russians can envision themselves raising families in an environment free from want and fear, then Novorossiya will flourish.

Novorossiya is a reality, and the people who live there are citizens by choice more than circumstances. They are well served by men like Saldo and Balitsky, who are dedicated to the giant task of making these regions part of the Russian Motherland in actuality, not just in name.

Behind Saldo and Balitsky are men like Panchenko, people who left an easy life in Moscow or some other Russian city to come to the “New Territories” not for the purpose of seeking their fortunes, but rather to improve the lives of the new Russian citizens of Novorossiya.

For this to happen, Russia must emerge victorious in its struggle against the Ukrainian nationalists ensconced in Kiev, and their Western allies. Thanks to the sacrifices of the Russian military, this victory is in the process of being accomplished.

Then the real test begins – turning Novorossiya into a place Russians will want to call home.

 

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Ukraine SitRep: Retreat Continues For Lack Of Defense Lines

 

On February 17, after Ukrainian units in Avdeevka had started to leave their position, the commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian army, General Syrski, announced a retreat to new defense lines:

"Based on the operational situation around Avdiivka, in order to avoid encirclement and preserve the lives and health of the military, I decided to withdraw our units from the city and move to defense on more favorable lines," Syrskyi said.

He emphasized that Ukrainian soldiers had fulfilled their duty with dignity, did their best to destroy the best Russian military units and inflicted significant losses in manpower and equipment on the enemy.

"The lives of servicemen are the highest value. We will take back Avdiivka anyway," the Chief added.

As some had already predicted it turned out that the "more favorable lines" Syrski promoted did not exist.

On February 17, the same day Syrski announced the retreat, Strana already reported on the lack of new defense lines (machine translation):

Ukrainian photographers Konstantin and Vlada Liberov, who document the war, wonder around which Ukrainian city, next after Avdiivka, the Russians will try to push through the defense of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

They report this in their Instagram.

"So what is the next "fortetsia" - Pokrovsk? Or just Konstantinovka?", - write Liberov, criticizing the command of the Armed Forces of Ukraine because of the lack of a second line of defense in Avdiivka.

"Where is the second line of defense? If you use the Deepstate map, "claws" around the city began to form almost a year ago. It certainly wasn't a surprise. So where's the second line of defense?" The Liberovs ask themselves.

"While the military was waiting for weapons for the Zaporozhye counteroffensive, the enemy passed through the fields, concreted trenches, built entire underground cities… Why didn't we do the same in Avdiivka? Moreover, a blind defense, the purpose of which is to deplete the enemy's forces, is like our official strategy.

Others confirmed the observation (machine translation):

West of Avdiivka, no significant defense line has been built for Ukrainian troops, and the Russian army continues to advance.

This was announced by the editor-in-chief of Censor, Yuri Butusov, following his trip to this area.

"There are no words. Gap: here in Kiev, the supreme commander-in-chief says one thing, but at the front something completely different is happening. I want to say that no field lines of fortifications have been built beyond Avdiivka so far. I saw Russian drones attacking our soldiers in their burrows in the middle of a field, " Butusov said.

According to him, no conclusions are drawn from previous failures.

"If the government can't find builders to build at least basic rear lines of defense, if they can't find engineers to maintain modern equipment, drones, sensors, communications, if they can't find workers and technologists to produce ammunition, then there will never be enough attack aircraft," the journalist added.

The government claimed to have allocated money to local authorities for building defense lines. But such money always seem to drain away before the first fortification gets finished.

A lack of serious organization and incompetence add to the picture (machine translation):

In the absence of fortified trenches in the east of the country, the engineering services of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are to blame.

This was stated in the social network X military engineer with the nickname Corsair.

As stated in a series of his posts, the heads of engineering services of brigades "do not know how to plan ahead and do not submit requests on time."

"When I arrive at a place, I have neither a map nor a proper justification. As a rule, they say: "We need to dig from that stump to planting." But that's not how it works. The defense should be solid, " Korsar wrote.

According to him, engineers do not have wood and concrete either, because "the brigades do not have the willpower to insist on this, and the AHS (operational-tactical group - Ed. ) do not have money."

For construction equipment, you need to sign contracts with businesses, but no one does this.

Since the loss of Avdeevka the Ukrainian forces had to fall back again and again. There are no natural barriers that could be used for defenses and there is no equipment and material to build defense lines across bare land.

Today even the New York Times took note of this:

Surprisingly Weak Ukrainian Defenses Help Russian Advance (archived) - New York Times, Mar 2 2024

Russian forces continue to make small but rapid gains outside of the eastern Ukrainian city of Avdiivka, attributable in part to dwindling Ukrainian ammunition and declining Western aid.

But there’s another reason the Kremlin’s troops are advancing in the area: poor Ukrainian defenses.

Sparse, rudimentary trench lines populate the area west of Avdiivka that Ukraine is trying to defend, according to a Times review of imagery by Planet Labs, a commercial satellite company. These trench lines lack many of the additional fortifications that could help slow Russian tanks and help defend major roads and important terrain.

Avdiivka became the site of a fierce standoff over the last nine months, emerging as one of the bloodiest battles of the war. When Russia captured the city on Feb. 17, its first major gain since last May, the Ukrainian Army claimed it had secured defensive lines outside the city.

But Russian troops have captured three villages to the west of Avdiivka in the span of a week, and they are contesting at least one other.

Avdeevka Feb 17 2024
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Avdeevka Mar 2 2024
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The Ukraine friendly Live UA map from where the above maps were copied is not fully up to date. The town Orlivka, still shown as Ukrainian, is already in Russian hands.

The next geographic feature that might be useful for defense is the north-to-south river and reservoir line 12 kilometer west of Orlivka. Nothing in between was prepared for a serious defense. It can not be held against any serious attacker:

Ukrainian commanders have had ample time to prepare defenses outside Avdiivka. The area has been under attack since 2014, and Ukraine has had a tenuous hold on it since Russia launched its full-scale invasion two years ago.

But the Ukrainian defenses outside Avdiivka show rudimentary earthen fortifications, often with a connecting trench for infantry troops to reach firing positions closest to the enemy, but little else.

But instead acknowledging that and instead of retreating to that river line the Ukrainian command is again throwing reserves into the already crumbling defenses.

Mr. Hrabskyi said Russia was currently preventing Ukrainian troops from shoring up their defenses by relentlessly bombarding them, including with powerful glide bombs carrying hundreds of tons of explosives that can smash through even well-prepared fortifications.

“The quality of these defensive lines cannot be good enough to resist massive bulldozer tactics by the Russian forces,” Mr. Hrabskyi said.

The current political uproar in Europe and the U.S. about the war in Ukraine is an acknowledgment of the fact that Russia is certain to win this fight. I do not expect any serious consequences coming from it.

It will simply take a few more weeks of discussions until resignation sets in.

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Scott Ritter: How the US misleads the world about its involvement in Yemen
While Washington maintains that the strikes on Houthi installations are defensive and fully legal, neither is the case

“The strikes in Yemen were necessary, proportionate, and consistent with international law.” With this statement, the United States delegate to the United Nations defended the joint US-UK military strikes against targets affiliated with the Houthi militia undertaken on the night of January 12, 2024.

The irony of this statement is that it was made before a body, the United Nations Security Council, which had not authorized any such action, thereby eliminating any claim to legitimacy that could possibly be made by the US.

The Charter of the UN specifies two conditions under international law in which military force can be used. One is in the conduct of legitimate self-defense as articulated in Article 51 of the Charter. The other is in accordance with the authority granted by the UN Security Council through a resolution passed under Chapter VII of the Charter.

British Foreign Minister David Cameron cited the UN Security Council in his justification of the UK’s involvement in the attacks on Yemen, claiming that the Council had “made clear” that the “Houthi must halt attacks in the Red Sea.”

While the Security Council had issued a resolution demanding that the Houthi cease their attacks on international shipping in the Red Sea, this resolution was not passed under Chapter VII, and therefore neither the US nor the UK had any authority under international law to carry out their attacks on Yemen.

Both the US and UK invoked the notion of self-defense in their attacks on Yemen, thereby indirectly alluding to a possible cognizable action under Article 51 of the UN Charter. US President Joe Biden justified the US military attack on Houthi militia forces in Yemen in a statement released shortly after the strikes ended. “I ordered this military action,” he declared, “in accordance with my responsibility to protect Americans at home and abroad.” 

The main problem with this argument is that the Houthis had not attacked Americans, either at home or abroad. To the extent that US forces had previously engaged weapons fired by the Houthis, they had done so to shield non-American assets – either the State of Israel or international shipping – from Houthi attack. Under no circumstances could the US argue that it had been attacked by the Houthis.

The US attacks, Biden asserted, “were carried out to deter and weaken the Houthi ability to launch future attacks.”

This language suggests that the US was seeking to eliminate an imminent threat to commercial maritime operations in international shipping lanes. To comply with the requirements of international law regarding collective self-defense – the only possible argument for legitimacy since the US itself had not been attacked – the US would need to demonstrate that it was part of a collective of nation states that were either under attack by the Houthis or were threatened with imminent attack of a nature that precluded seeking Security Council intervention. 

In late December 2023, the US had, together with several other nations, gathered military forces in what was known as Operation Prosperity Guardian to deter Houthi attacks on maritime shipping that had been taking place since November 19, 2023.

However, the US subsequently undermined any case it could possibly have made that its actions were consistent with international law, namely that they were an act of collective pre-emptive self-defense done in accordance with Article 51 of the UN Charter.

US Central Command (CENTCOM), which is responsible for operations in the Middle East, issued a press release shortly after Washington launched a second attack against a Houthi radar installation that it claims was involved in targeting shipping in the Red Sea.

The statement claimed the attack on the Houthi radar installation was a “follow-on action” of the strikes carried out on January 12, and had “no association with and are separate from Operation Prosperity Guardian, a defensive coalition of over 20 countries operating in the Red Sea, Bab al-Mandeb Strait, and the Gulf of Aden.”

By distancing itself from Operation Prosperity Guardian, the US has fatally undermined any notion of pre-emptive collective self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, highlighting the unilateral, and inherently illegal, nature of its military attacks on Yemen.

 

 

Scott RITTER

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